Encyclodaedia biblica; a critical dictionary of the literaty, political and religious hisrory, the archaeology, geography, and natural history of the Bible

DAVID, CITY

them-the deeply-felt elegy on Saul and Jonathan-

was taken from the so-called Book of

?),

and another-the short elegy

Abner-may have

been copied from the same book. These occur in

and

respectively.

They have an

antique air and are worthy of David. Whether

any

religious elements formerly present have been removed,
we cannot say but there is no special reason to think
so.

That the song of triumph in

Ps. 18)

and the 'last words of David' in

(both highly

religious compositions) are Davidic, is not, on grounds

of criticism, tenable.

Nor can any of the psalms in the

Psalter be ascribed with any probability to David.

The eager search for possible Davidic psalms seems to
be

proof that the seekers have taken

the study

the Psalter at

end.

That David composed

religious songs is of course probable enough. When
he

his companions played before

with all

their might, and with songs and with (divers musical
instruments),' it is reasonable to conjecture that some

these songs had been made for the purpose by the

poet-king.

But how much resemblance would these

psalms have had to the psalms of the second temple?
and how could the David known to

from history

have entered into the ideas of Psalms

and

51,

which

are assigned by Delitzsch and

to the sad period

of David's great sin? Would not that have been one
of the greatest of miracles ?

[In the above sketch sentences have been here and

there borrowed from the late Robertson Smith's art.

David in the

especially where David's character

and  his  originality  as  a  ruler  are  referred  to.  The
advance of  criticism since  1877  required  a  fresh  survey
of  the subject.

Renan's view of David in his

see W R S

Hist.

1888,

Duncker

(Hist.

Ant.

is hardly less

un-

sympathetic than

and his narrative needs

adjustment to the results of critical analysis.

1223-298,

and

Prol.,

ET,

and

56-64,

are of the highest importance.

fresh and original, but often rash.

Cheyne's Aids

part

relates to the David-narratives;

analysis in

the results of which are tabulated

in chap.

is provisionally adopted.

See also

Dr.

Zeit

43-97;

Marquart's

mente ('97); and the articles

this Dictionary

Samuel and Chronicles (with the books there referred
to). Prof.

R. Smiths article in

should be

taken with the corresponding portion of Ewald's

History.

Chandler's

ed.

1766)

gives answers

to the very real difficulties suggested by Pierre
which are now superseded.

('66) is

recommended by Robertson Smith for the

numerous parallels adduced from Oriental history. The
late

A. White's art. in Hastings'

has great

merit.

For

an account of David as

tactician, see

DAVID, CITY OF

Sam. 5 7

See J

ERUSALEM

DAY.

Among the ancients the day was reckoned in

great variety of ways. ' T h e Babylonians reckoned

from sunrise to sunrise, the Athenians from
sunset to sunset, the Umbrians from noon
to noon, the common people everywhere

from dawn to dark, the Roman priests and those by
whom the civil day has been defined, as also the

Egyptians and Hipparchus, from midnight to midnight

188).

'From

( a

was the ancient and ordinary meaning of

a day

among the Israelites; night, a s being the

time when no

can work (Jn.

4).

might, it was

considered, be left out of account altogether, or, at all

See P

SALMS

monograph.

65.

emend with Klost., after

Ch. 13

DAY

events, as being the evident complement

the 'day

and involved in it, did not require explicit mention.
Thus the word day' came to have a twofold meaning

at one time signifying the period from sunrise to sunset
a t  another including  day's  inseparable  accompaniment,.
the  night,  and  embracing  the  whole  period  from  one
sunrise  to  the  next.

in cases where the contrast

had to be brought out, or there was risk of ambiguity,

was

it necessary to name the night

expressly,

as, for

example, in

3139.

Apart from

and the combination of

and

the Hebrews pos-

sessed

expression for the civil day as including day

and night; for the designation

'evening

morning,' which makes its first appearance in the
second century

814).

equivalent to the Greek

Cor.

is but a combination precisely

similar to the older

and

The Israelites regarded the morning as the beginning

of the day in the evening the day declined

down,' and until the new day

morning

brolce

it was necessary to tarry all night (cp Judg.

6-9

and

series in Nu.

all that day and all the night

and all the next day

').

Not till post-exilic times do we

find traces of a new mode of reckoning which makes
day begin at sunset and continue till the sunset follow-
ing.

In P, it is true, the expression

day and night'

Lev.

835

Nu.

is unhesitatinglyused, not night

and day,' and the evening following the fourteenth
day of the first month is regarded as the evening of that
day (Ex.

18)

but Lev.

certainly reckons the day

as extending from evening to evening, and the same
mode of reckoning seems to have been in the mind of the
writer

(P)

when, after describing the work of each day,

he invariably adds,

there was evening and there

morning,

first [second, third, etc.] day (Gen.

1 5 8

of reckoning is shown also in the above-mentioned
expression in Dan.

in the order of the

words evening, morning,

noon

in Ps.

and in

the

and day,' night or day,' of the late passages

Is.

Esth.

connection with this later

Jewish  custom  one  has  to  remember  the .importance
which  the  new moon  (visible only in  the  evening)  had
for  the  Israelites  in  the  determination  of  their  feasts,
and  it must  not be forgotten  that  other  ancient peoples
who  observed lunar divisions of  time (Athenians, Gauls,
Germans)  also  began  their  day  with  evening.
the  same,  it is undeniably  a  somewhat unnatural  mode
of reckoning,  and as far as Israel is concerned can have
come into use only when it was desired to fix  times with
legal and

precision for the nation at large.

The ancient Israelites had no precise subdivision

of the day for accurate measurement of time. They

designated  the  various  periods  of  the
day  by  the  natural  changes  which
marked  its  successive  stages,  or  by  the
successive  occupations  in  ordinary  daily
routine.  Thus  it  was  in  the  nature  of

things that morning

midday

and evening

should be distinguished, and equally

that

morning should be spoken of as the rising of the morning,
the breaking of the day

or the

rising

the

sun

(Gen.

midday, the heat

of the day (Gen.

181

the height of the day

[EV the perfect day] (Prov.

418)

afternoon, the time of

the day's decline (Judg.

and evening, the time of

the going down of the sun (Gen.

17)

'the wind of

the day or evening breeze (Gen.

Cant.

[when the

day is cool]

46).

Specially noticeable is the expression

between the two evenings,' met with only

Dt.

2866

the original text had 'day and night'

(see

a l a t e transcribersubstitnted 'night and day 'in accord-

ance with the mode of expression current in

his

own time.

1036

DAY

(Ex. 126

308 Lev. 23

Nu.

284 8),

which can mean only towards evening,'

about the

evening time,' since it is used to indicate the same period
that is called in Dt. 166 the time of the going down of

sun (cp Ex. 126

Whether the form

ought to be taken as a dual, and the two evenings'
understood as meaning the evening of the sun and

the

evening  of  its  still  visible  light,'  may  be  left  an  open
question ; but  it  is  important  to  note  that  the  evening
sacrifice prescribed by the law to be made
towards  evening (Ex. 29

39 41

Nu.

8)-was offered

the first century of our era in the afternoon between
half-past two and half-past three (cp

Jos.

Ant.

xiv. 43

and Mishna,

;

also Acts3

103

where the

prayer associated with the evening sacrifice also

made

at the ninth hour), and that only the Samaritans and

Karaites maintain the old correct. interpretation.

T h e

change possibly may not have taken place till after the
Maccabean period ; for in Daniel

the daily offering

still spoken of as

'the evening oblation,'

and no place in the O T gives any hint of

change (cp

on the other hand, the reminiscences

psalmody by

night in the temple :

Ch. 9

Ps.

134

cp 119

62).

By reference

functions of daily recurrence,

morning is called the time of incense

(Lk.

IO),

; the

middle of the afternoon, the time of the offering of the
Minha

( I

K. 182936) and the evening, the time that

women go out to draw water (Gen.

or the time

the evening oblation (Dan. 9

Cp also

cock-crowing as denoting early morning (Mk.

72).

The

O T

affords no evidence that the Israelites divided

their day into twelve

hours

as the Babylonians did.

of Ahaz

Is.

whatever it was (see D

IAL

), did not

lead to

more accurate measurement

time on the part of the people, and even at so late a date
as that

Daniel

(416

Aramaic

('hour')

does not mean any exact portion of time.

Reckoning

hours is met with first in the

N T ,

where the day consists

twelve

(Jn.

1 1 9 )

or twelfths simply designated as

first [second, etc.] of the day, reckoned as beginning a t
sunrise (cp Acts2

Mt.

5 6

45 46

etc.

The hour

was thus with the Jews

variable quantity, a s it was

also with the Babylonians, the twelfth part of the day
ranging from forty-nine to seventy-one minutes according
to the season of the year.

The division of the day into

twelve parts and the further development of the
gesimal system as a whole had commended itself to the

from their observation that, at the vernal

equinox, the time between the appearance of the first
direct ray of the

and that of visibility of the entire

disk above the horizon amounted to

of the

whole time during which the

sun

was visible in the

heavens, or the 720th part

full day reckoned from

one sunrise

another.

Equal divisions of the night were of older date than

equal divisions of the day. Three night-watches were

recognised: the first

Lam.

middle

Judg.

;

within which, of

midnight fell,

Ex.

and the last

Ex.

From the

N T

we learn that, in the first century

our

era at least, the Roman division into four watches

had in common use superseded the old division into

(Mk. 13

and

Mt.

648 Lk. 1238, cp

From  the  division  of  the  day  into  twelve  hours  the
step  to  a  similar  division  of  the  night  was  easy  (so,
certainly, in Acts2323 ; cp also Acts1633 Lk. 1239 and,
for  the  last-cited  passage,  see  the  parallel  in

Mt.

which speaks of 'watch,' not 'hour').

in Hos. 2 15 5 it means 'high day' ; in

birth-day

;

Jer.

15 23

Ps.

etc.

day of doom ; in

Is.

'day of battle.'

On the

'day of Yahwi: (Joel

' D a y ' is sometimes used in a half-metaphorical sense.

DEACON AND DEACONESS

115

Ezek. 13

Is.

and 'day of Judgment

Pet.

see

SCHATOLOGY

Paul uses the expression

Cor.

43)

in contrast to

(Lk.

Cor.

1 8

[see Var.

;

Rev. 1

see

ORD

)

mean an ordinary 'day

compares

Reichstag).

See art. ' T a g ' in

as also in

and Riehm's

HWB;

H A

Nowack,

H A

2 184

and

Schiirer,

3rd ed. 2

DAY'S JOURNEY

WEIGHTS

AND

EASURES

For sabbath day's journey,' see S

ABBATH

(see

Murray under

Davidson

Spenser,

renders by

See

W AND

USTICE

DAY STAR.

Is.

RV;

Pet.

119.

See

UCIFER

DEACON and DEACONESS

Word-We may consider first the

use of

I n the Gosnels the word

used

literallv. of a

the word and of its cognates.

servant who 'prepares or serves a meal

metaphorically

Mt.

Jn. 12

26).

It is never used hy Lk. who,

what seems a parallel

t o

sayings in

Mk,,

prefers the participle

one place

however, he uses

of the

The verb

is likewise used

literallv. of

preparing or supplying food (Mk. 1 1 3 Mt. 4
131

Mt. Lk.) Lk.

Jn.

Mt.

more widely);

again somewhat more

2755

Lk. 83) of the women who minisrered

Jesus in

his

journeyings

in Galilee

metaphorically (Lk. 22

;

Jn.

18 26).

The ordinary word for a servant in the Gospels is

bond-servant or slave; but a

may he called upon to

(Lk.

17 7

and in discharge of this function may

he termed

emphasises relation

to a master

performance of service. The latter word

free

the associations of slavery which belong to the

former.

I t was thus fitted for adoption as the

any form of Christian service rendered to Christ or to his
Church.

Accordingly in Acts we find

frequently in this sense :

Acts 1

25,

the

of apostleship ; 6

the daily

by which the needs of the poorer brethren

Acts.

supplied ; and, in contrast to this, the

of the word

(64).

1129

and 1225

used of the help in the famine rendered by Antioch to the

brethren in Judma (a sense which recurs

Paul's epistles). In

Paul speaks more generally of fulfilling the

which

he has received of the Lord Jesus; and in 21

he declares

what God has wrought among the Gentiles through his
The word

does not occur at all in Acts (as it does not

in Lk.) ; but

is used in a literal sense in 6 of serving

the

; and metaphorically of Timothy and

who

'ministered

t o

Paul (19

In the first of the four chronological groups of the Pauline

epistles, the only instance of the word or

cognates is

Thess.

where Timothy is called 'the

In Epistles.

arm.] of God in the gospel

of Christ.

I n the second group the words

are freely used. Paul

are

through whom

ye believed

(

Cor. 3 5).

Differences of

are spoken

of in

5 ;

and

the household of Stephanas the remarkable

phrase is used, they appointed (or 'set') themselves

to the saints' (16

This passage

would show

that the words were not yet limited to an official use. I n Cor.
the most noteworthy passages are 8 4 19

where the

words are applied

the collection in the Greek churches for

the poor saints

in Jerusalem, a service on which Paul laid the

greatest stress as being a means of cementing the union between
the Jewish and the Gentile portions of the Church. l h e Epistle
to the Romans

(15

31)

shows us his anxiety on this matter,

and his fixed resolve

t o

carry out his project i n person a t

risk to liberty or life. Here again, then,

and

are used of the ministration to temporal needs. In the samp
epistle

occur the notable words I glorify my

(as apostle of the Gentiles); and

wide range with which he

uses the term is seen when he speaks of the temporal ruler as

'the

God' (13

4).

The application of the word

t o

(16

)

will be considered presently

4).

In the third group Paul himself is twice styled a

of the gospel (Eph. 3 7 Col. 1

23)

and once a

of t h e

church' (Col. 1 2 4

is twice described as 'the

beloved brother and faithful

in the Lord' (Eph. 6

Col. 4 7 ; in the latter place the description 'fellow-servant

. 1038

DEACON AND DEACONESS

also is inserted). similarly ‘Epaphras, who

faithful

on our behalf,

Christ’ ’(Col. 17).

‘The

work of

referred to in the widest sense in Eph.

4 1 2 ;

and in Col. 417

Archippus receives the message : ‘Look to the

which

thou hast received in the Lord that thou

it.

I n

Philemon Paul says of

the runaway slave, ‘that on

behalf he may minister to me’

13).

I n

Philip-

pians the only instance is of special importance ; for the epistle
is addressed ‘ t o all the saints

in Philippi, together with

and

The fourth group consists of the Pastoral Epistles; and here

the general sense of the words is still the most frequent. The
apostle thanks God

for having appointed him unto

is to he a good

of Christ Jesus

is charged to fulfil his

Tim. 4 5).

Onesiphorus the apostle recalls how he ‘ministered’ in Ephesus
(1

and of Mark he says ‘he is useful to me for

On the other hand,

passage of most importance for

our purpose is the code of regulations laid down in

Tim. 3 8-13

for a class of persons who are definitely designated

Before considering these regulations we may return to Rom.

1 6

‘ I

commend to you Phaebe our sister, who is [also]

of the church which is in Cenchreae.

I t is

possible

t o

interpret the word here either in the

general sense in which Paul uses it so often

or in the official sense which we find in

later epistles to the Philippians and to Timothy.

is no

objection to the official sense that the person so designated is
a

woman ; for we shall presently see that a t Ephesus the Order

included deacons of either sex.

the other hand, since there is not in the two earlier groups

Paul’s epistles any other indication that

is a special

office  in  the  Church,  this,  which  occurs  in  the  second  group,
would  he a solitary and  somewhat  puzzling  exception.  More-
over, as Cenchreae was  the

port of Corinth, this case practi-

cally belongs to the Corinthian church. In that church special
mention is made of the

of Stephanas and his household

the word

being used in its broadest sense. There

Chloe and her household were

of note. I t may he, therefore,

that  Phaebe was  another woman of  influence who held  a corre-
sponding  pre-eminence  of  service  in  the  neighhouring  port,  a
pre-eminence  that  earned  for  her  a t   the  apostle’s  hands  the
honourable  title  of

of the church; for she had been

helper (perhaps we should render it

patroness

of many and of the apostle himself.

If we could

that

the diaconate was formally established  in the Corinthian church
a t  this  time, we should  certainly conclude  that Phaehe was one
of  the women  who  served  it  but  this  assumption  is  in  sharp
contrast  with  the  silence  of  Paul‘s  epistles  as  to  any kind  of
definite ecclesiastical organisation a t  Corinth.

Phaehe, then, we may say with security that she is a

the important services rendered

women in the

primitive Church but in tracing the history of the diaconate
it will not he wise

t o

assume that the word

is used of

her in the strictly official sense. As a matter of historical
evidence this passage must he left out of the

a t

rate, uncertain testimony.

For a technical diaconate in

writings we are thus reduced to two passages, Phil.

and

Tim. 38-13.

11.

Origin

and

functions

the

Dimonate.-The first

recognition of any need

organisation in the Christian

community occurs in connection with the
daily meal in Jerusalem

(see

HURCH

The word deacon is not applied

in Acts to the seven men who were on this occasion
appointed to the service

the poor

we have already

noted that

does nor occur in Lk. or Acts.

Nevertheless, by the later Church tradition, they were
constantly regarded as the earliest deacons; and

strong was this feeling that the number of deacons in
some churches was limited to seven.

Names apart,

they  truly  represented  the  essential  feature  of  the
diaconate,  as  the  Church’s  organ  for  service  to  her
poorer  members.

In other communities, especially in

the Greek world, this service was destined to take

different form but the deacons of the

epistles

at Philippi and Ephesus had a similar function, though
the circumstances in which they discharged it were very
dissimilar.

The definite title is met with first in the

Greek churches, and here the order from its commence-
ment is found to include the services of men and women
alike.

The admission of women to the diaconate

could scarcely have arisen in the Jewish communities

it was probably felt to be natural in places where

women were in general accorded

larger liberty.

Whilst then we recognise the germ of the institution

the appointment of the Seven in Jerusalem, we must

Cp Hatch,

Christian

49.

DEAD, THE

look to the Greek churches for the

the

definite and permanent order.

the personal ministry

Paul drew to

close, and

it became evident that the

of Christ was

indefinitely postponed, it was natural that ecclesiastical
organisation should assume a new and increasing im-
portance.

It is in harmony with this that we find the

apostle  in  a  later  epistle  recognising  expressly  ‘the
bishops  and  deacons’  at  Philippi,  very  much  as  he
had  recognised  the  ‘episcopate’ of  the  presbyters  of
Ephesus,  when  he  thought  that  he  should  see  them
again  no  more  (Acts

‘Those who ruled,’ and

those who served under them, were coming to form

definite classes, to which the natural designations of
overseers

and servants

were be-

ginning to be formally appropriated. Accordingly, in

the first epistle to Timothy the apostle

down regulations for the two

classes under

titles.

differences in the

regulations help to show

the nature of the functions

to be discharged in the two cases

(

Tim.

1-13).

The

rules which should govern the choice of deacons must
be cited in full :-

‘Deacons in like manner must be grave, not double-tongued,

not given to

wine, not eager for petty gains holding

the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And’they too
are first to he tested, and then

minister, if they he irreproach-

able. Women in like manner must be grave not slanderers,

faithful

in all things.

Deacons are

be husbands of

one

ruling well their children and their own houses for

they

have ministered well acquire a good standing for

themselves and much boldness in the faith which is in Christ
Jesus.

The essence of these regulations is that, deacons,

whether men or women, must he persons

character,

who can rule their tongues and are temperate in the

use

of wine.

Trustworthiness is demanded of the

woman,  as strict  honesty is of  the man : this  doubtless
points  to  the  fact  that  Church  moneys  would  pass
through  their  hands.

Deacons are to know what they

believe,  and  to  live  in  accordance  with  i t ;   but  no
aptitude  for  teaching  is  demanded  of  them,  nor  any
qualifications  for  exercising  discipline.

The service

of the deacons is the house to house service, which
deals primarily with temporal wants.

In the

the women spoken of here are represented

as the wives of the deacons. This interpretation puts

serious strain on the original Greek, and it is now

generally abandoned.

It finds no parallel in any

demand for special qualifications in the wives of  bishops,
It  belongs  to  a  period  when  the  diaconate  of  women
had  been wholly lost  sight

of;

and it cannot be

tained in face of the fact that women were undoubtedly
admitted to this office in the early ages of the Church’s
history.

For

the later confusion between deaconesses and widows

see W

IDOW

. and for a full historical account of the female

see

Ministry

Deaconesses

hy Deaconess Cecilia

Robinson (‘98).

J. A.

The preliminaries may

first he briefly considered. T o kiss the dead (Gen.

501)

and to close their eyes (Gen.

4 6 4 )

and mouth (Mishna,

immediately after death was looked

upon as

deed of natural piety. In N T times the

was washed (Acts

anointed with sweet-smelling

ointments

(Mk.

Lk.

Jn.

and wrapped in

linen cloth (Mt.

Mk.

Lk.

the hands

and feet were bound with grave-clothes and the head
covered with a napkin (Jn.

The age of these

customs must remain uncertain,

they are not alluded

to in

O T ;

the old belief that in

the dead

would be known by their dress, the king by his diadem,
the soldier by his sword, the prophet by his mantle

(

Ezek.

leads to the inference that the dead

were buried dressed as in life.

In later times, delicate

foods, ornaments, gold and silver, and all kinds

valuables were placed with the body in the graves

DEAD, THE,

and

DEAD, THE

princes and nobles (Jos.

Ant.

xv.

34).

If what we read

Ant.

xiii. 84 xvi.

71)

to the plundering of David‘s

grave by Hyrcanus and Herod is to be accepted, this
custom also is very old. E

MBALMING

was not in

use.

On sacrifices to the dead, cp E

SCHATOLOGY

The usual

of disposing of the dead was by

burial (Gen.

358 Judg.

832 etc.

we read of the burning of the body

Saul, the text is corrupt (see Klost. ad

is also

the case with Am.

Burning was looked

something  abominable,  as  an  injury to  the  dead  (Am.
21)  it was  used,  by  priestly law and  old  custom,  only
in a few cases, to render  the death  sentence more severe
(Josh.

Lev.

AW AND

USTICE

The  aversion  to  the  burning  of  the  body  was  con-
nected with the belief  that  the soul even after death was
bound  to  the  body.

Not to be buried was a terrible

disgrace which one could hardly wish even to one’s
greatest enemy (Am. 21

1411 164 2124

8 2

164

The spirits of the unburied dead wander restlessly about,
and in

are condemned to lie in the corners (Ezek.

3223

Is.

etc.). Burial alone

the spirit

to the body that it had rest and could harm no one.

was therefore the sacred duty of every one who found

corpse in the open field to give it burial

( I

1411

Jer.

and especially Tob.

118

28). In

of death by stoning the pile of stones took the

place of a regular grave (Josh.

Cp the Greek idea,

given, for example, in the

of Sophocles.

Rapid interment was necessary on account of the hot

climate, and even without express biblical authority we
may assume that then,

now, in the East, it usually

took place on the day of death (cp Dt. 21

The body

was

carried to the grave on a bier

Lk.

Coffins were not used by the Israelites

Joseph’s bones were placed in a coffin

in conformity with the custom of the

Egyptians (Gen.

The

coffin (sarcophagus)

was adopted by the Jews

(as

also

by the Phoenicians) from

the Egyptians long after the exile, but only by the wealthy.
The procession

friends, who would of course often be

was accompanied by hired mourners singing

lamentations

cp M

OURNING

USTOMS

).~ The

place of burial was determined by the belief that the unity
of the family and tribe continued after death. The bodies
of those who wished to be reunited with their parents and
family in

had

be buried in the family sepulchre

(see

OMBS

, E

SCHATOLOGY

See Benzinger,

Arch.

23;

Nowack,

H A

32;

‘Death’

can mean, not only the

state of death, but also the realm of the dead,

and Bender in

I. B.

DEAD SEA, THE

[

]

Prov. 218

Is.

inconsistently

Job 265, dead things

’).

RV sometimes has they that

are deceased‘

Job 265) in mg. always ‘the

shades Heb. Rephaim.’

W e will examine the above passages, beginning with :

(a)

Job 26 5, of which Schultens remarks

Suhita nox diem

solemque

RV,

and virtually Davidson, render thus-

They that are deceased tremble
Beneath the waters and the inhabitants thereof.

Davidson comments

‘

This

of deceased persons lies deep

down under the

of the sea and all the inhabitants of these

waters for the sea

to the upper world. Yet the power

felt even a t this immeasurable distance from his abode

on high.’

T o

ns this may appear natural ; hut to those who be-

lieved that the ‘shades’ were ‘forgotten by

wouldscarcely appear so. T h e Hebrew of 265 is also not worthy
of the context. Probably we should read

Times,

10 382

H e makes the sea and its billows to start (in alarm),
H e terrifies

waters and the floods

Ps. 88

the shades are represented as incapable of

‘arising and praising God.’ In ‘arise’ Kirkpatrick sees a refer-

ence

the resurrection, a n idea which the psalmist finds incon-

ceivable.

(c)

Prov.

no return from the shades.

(d)

Prov.

Those

frequent the house of Madam Folly

(v.

a s it were, shades already (anticipating Dante). (e) Prov. 21

Folly leads surely to the shades.

Is.

When the over-

thrown king of Babylon appears in

the shades themselves,

especially the royal shades,  are in excitement.  Some tidings  of
his  greatness  have  reached  them  and  they  marvel  to  see  one
who  had  claimed  to  sit  with

gods reduced to their own

miserable state. T h e poet takes some liberty with the popular
belief or else revives a n earlier form of it. I n the legend of

we read,

‘ I

will raise up the dead to eat the

Is. 26

‘The shades will not rise

. .

to life shall the

earth bring the shades’

T h e resurrection hope. See

SCHATOLOGY

from

Bottcher (De

derives the word

The giants are

hurled to

and then,

the chief

inhabitants of

give their name to

the whole population.

Duhm (on

Is. 1 4

and

holds the same view as to

the transference of the title

from the giants to

all other inhabitants of Deathland.

This theory mis-

takes the meaning of the

of Genesis, Numbers,

Deuteronomy, and gives a doubtful meaning to
It also assumes

correct

passage (Job

which is

certainly corrupt. It is an old view revived (see Schultens
on Job,

Most

critics, however, hold that

the

weak,’

natural development

(cp Jer. 624 etc.).

‘Art thou also become

weak

we?’ ask the shades

(Is.

RV). But

this is far too easy, and the Hebrews would hardly have
spoken of the spirits of the dead

‘the weak ones.’

see

god

coming up out of the earth,‘ says the wise

woman to Saul

(

RV).

The word ought to

mean the terrible,’ or the wise,’ or the like. In the
later O T books the condition of those in

por-

trayed in very gloomy colours but these books do ndt
express the primitive popular belief.

No doubt

Re-

mutilated or modified form of some primitive

religious term.

sister-form is most probably

PHIM

I. B.,

2f:

DEAD SEA,

TEE,

the usual designation of the lake

in which the course of the Jordan terminates, occurs

nowhere in O T or N T though it was not un-
common in antiquity

Justin

O S

and is found in Vg. of Josh. 3

(mare

quod

nunc

mortuum).

In the

this lake is occasionally called simply ‘the sea’

times, and in the expression ‘from sea to sea’): also

‘the Salt

nine times

mare

;

‘the sea of the plain,’

‘sea of the

five times;

desert?:

in the three places

‘Death-land.’

See

Is.

Hos.

Ps. 65 [6]

Prov. 218

Rev. 118 68

In Rev. 68 RV prihts Death,

correspond to Hades.

Both are personifications cp

the later Jewish representations of
and

two of God‘s chief angels

(cp D

ESTROYER

‘ T h e dead’ in AV corresponds

not only to

(often) but also to

(Ps.

8810

On Job 3 15, where some

find a n allusion to the

treasures in royal

see

OMBS

See, however, the ’ingenious suggestions of

Wellh. is fully conscious of the difficulty of Am.

(Die

87);

also Schwally,

Das

nach

Tode,

48.

I n Job2132

(bier, coffin) is

to render

or ‘sepulchral mound’; hut

is the better readine. See T

OMBS

Cp B

Cp Lk.

Whether we may compare

336

is un-

certain. Di. denies, Duhm affirms this. The whole passage is
obscure and not very coherent.

On the mourningwomen in primitive Babylonia see Maspero,

Dawn

Civ.

684.

They also washed, prepared, and arranged

the dead body.

1041

DEAD SEA, THE

where both designations are employed

‘Salt sea’ is

explain the expression ‘sea of

Arabah’); and, in three

places,

eastern [east, former] sea’

;

mare

Diod. Sic.

(248

and in Josephns (often;

especially

it is

;

also in

As-

1515).

Josephus also has

(Ant. v.

; cp the Sodomitish sea’ (mare

Esd. 5

This name occurs also in Edrisi (3

5 ,

transl. Jaubert,

who calls it the sea of Sodom and Gomorrah and the sea

of Za’rah (Zoar). Its name in Arabic (at least since the eleventh
century) is

but this does not prove

the name of Lot to have remained attached to the sea in local
tradition for four thousand years.

arises simply from the fact

that Lot and the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah are men-
tioned in the Koran.

From the biblical point of view the Dead Sea is not

very important. The references

it in the O T occur

generally  in  topographical  connections,  especially  in
definitions  of  the  eastern  frontier  of  the land of  Israel.
There  are  two  notable  exceptions : ( a )  where it  comes
into the story of  the Cities of  the  Plain, and

where it

is referred to in the prophetic descriptions of Ezek.

and Zech. 148.

From the geographical point of view it is other-

wise

the interest of this lake is quite extraordinary.

The N T does not refer to it at all.

The Jordan valley,

from

N. to

begins to sink below sea-level

far

a little below

the Lake

of Galilee is some 680 feet lower, and thence the
or

continues to fall till the surface

the Dead

Sea

is reached at

distance below the sea of some

feet.

the opposite extremity of this lake ends

another valley, coming from the

formerly called the

Thus the lake constitutes the deepest

portion of what is the most strongly marked depres-
sion (unconnected with the

sea)

the surface of the

globe.’ It has no effluent.

Should the question be

asked, whether in former times the Jordan, after  passing
through the  Dead  Sea, may  not  have  flowed  on
ward  falling at  last  into  the  Ked  Sea

Gulf or

Gulf of

it may suffice to point out how much

below sea-level the Dead Sea is, and further, that the
valley to the

of the Dead Sea is really two valleys.

One runs

the other

and the intersection or water-

shed is at a height of

650

feet above the level of the

Red Sea and of the Mediterranean (according to the

PEF

survey).” Thus the two basins are hydrographic-

ally distinct, which is confirmed by a
study of the sedimentary deposits on the valley floor
(Lartet).

The geological investigation of Palestine and of the

Dead

carried on

by Fraas, Lartet, Hull,

and

has proved, con-

trary to previous ideas, that the Dead

Sea cannot possibly date from the

historical  epoch,  and  that  it  must  have  presented,  at
any rate  from  the  beginning  of  the  quaternary  epoch,
practically  the  same  aspect  and  configuration  as  at
present.  Traces  can  still

however, of a past

time when the water stood

much

feet above

its present level, as well

of another phase in which

the difference was only 348 feet in short, the waters
have gradually

their present position.

The actual level is that a t which the evaporation exactly

counterbalances the daily influx of water from the Jordan and
the other affluents. Of these last, the chief, including certain

Notwithstanding the continued advocacy of the wrong view

PEFQ,

it is certain that

Dt. 34

(AV ‘the utmost sea’

;

RV ‘the hinder sea,’ mg. ‘the western

sea’) is not the Dead Sea but the Mediterranean ; cp Dt. 11

24.

The (not very wide) variations from this figure can for the

most part be explained by differences between one season and
another, which can cause the level of the lake to rise or fall some

feet. I t is at its highest in April and May.

The discovery of the great depth of the

of the Dead

Sea below sea-level

to modern times ; it was made in-

dependently and almost simultaneously

Schubert on the

hand, and Moore and Beek on the other, in

;

and afterwards

confirmed by Russegger and by Symonds.

The distance from the watershed to the Red Sea is about

m.,

and to the Dead Sea over 73 m.

1043

vinter torrents are: ( a ) on the eastern side reckoning from N.
o

S.,

the

Ghnweir, the Wadys

(Kerak)

el-

(or

the Wadys

three traverse

plain, the Sebkhah,

stretches immediately southwards from the Dead Sea and

bordered by gigantic thickets ofreeds)

;

going from

N.,

the Wiidy

the

of which lies Sebbeh, the ancient fortress of Masada),

spring of

(Engedi), the Wiidy en-Nrir (Kedron),

the spring of

el-Feshkhah (cp B

ETH

-A

RABAH

), to the

which is the headland known as

el-Feshkhah.

The amount of daily evaporation has been estimated

and the daily contribution of the

alone at 6,000,000

tons

(the volume

the

Rhone at its influx into the Lake of Geneva is

22,000,000

Another feature of it is its great density, which

wises from its salinity (the mean is

166).

At a depth

feet the solid matters contained in the water

represent 27 per cent

the total weight.

These sub-

stances are mainly chlorides of sodium, magnesium, and
calcium, also certain derivatives of

The

chloride of magnesium gives the water ‘ a very dis-
agreeable taste

the chloride of calcium gives it its

slightly  oily  consistency.  The  eyes,  and  some  assert
also the skin,  are  powerfully affected by contact  with  it.
Garments  receive  from  the  evaporating  water  a  saline
deposit,  with  indelible  spots  of

a n

oily appearance.

The salt encrusts also the many trees and pieces of wood
which lie stranded  on  the  shore  so  much  so that  they
form a  characteristic feature of  the landscape,  and recall
the striking  antithesis in Jer.

A bath in the Dead Sea at once proves its difference

in densitv from other seas or from fresh-water lakes.

Eggs

on it. The human body

being lighter than the water, swimming
becomes difficult. the head alone of the

swimmer tending to sink. The boiling point of the water
is

It is remarkably limpid, and has a beautiful

colour, now blue, now green.

think of this lake as

sombre and sad is quite an illusion ;

i t s

intense colouring,

its varied effects of  light,  its  scarped overhanging  slopes
broken  by  deep  gorges,  produce  a  picture  of  wild and
sublime  beauty.

‘ T h e scenery round the sea is very

fine,’

says

Conder

it is compared, by those who have

seen both, to that of the

of Geneva.’ The present

writer,  whose home is in Geneva, agrees with  this  com-
parison,  it  being  understood  that  it  is  between  the
northern  portion  of  the  Dead Sea  and the eastern  end
of  the  Lake  of  Geneva towards  the embouchure of  the

Rhone. Another common error about the Dead Sea is
that its waters have no motion

the contrary, it is

constantly agitated by the winds, and storms sometimes
drive huge billows to the shore.

It does not owe its

name to this imagined immobility, but rather to the fact

that no sort of living creature-fish, crustacean, mollusc,

subsist in its waters, the only exceptions being

certain  inferior  organisms  and  microbes,  as  shown  by
the  investigations  of  Ehrenberg  and  of  the  zoologist
Lortet  (not

be confused with the geologist Lartet).

This  fact-which  is  conclusively  proved  by  the  death
not only of  the  fish  carried  down into  it by  the  Jordan
(their  bodies  serve  as  food  for  numerous

which

frequent the neighbourhood), but also of salt -water
fishes-has given rise to various incorrect ideas. Thus

it has been said that birds attempting to

fly

over it drop

down dead this is a mere imagination-a fable which,
like a host

earlier witnesses, the present writer is able

contradict from ocular testimony-or perhaps it may

be the result of

confusion with some other lake (see

Reland,

It is equally false to say that the

shores of the Dead

Sea

derive their barrenness from the

pernicious action of its waters.

What hinders the

growth  of  plants  in its vicinity is  not  the presence of  the
lake itself, but  the absence  of  fresh water  whether from
affluents  or  by  precipitation.  Wherever  there

fresh

The evaporation produces whitish

or bluish clouds which

float above the water. Hence ‘a smoking waste’ (Wisd.

7).

DEAD SEA, THE

running water,

at Engedi, where

is a thermal

Near the lake are found beds of a whitish chalky niarl,

vegetation flourishes (cp Cant.

1 1 4 )

and,

elsewhere throughout the

exhibits a com-

bination of tropical plants with others belonging to the
Mediterranean region. Finally, the scant population

of its shores is to be accounted for more by the torrid
temperature (above

F. in the shade) than by any

infertility or positive insalubrity.

I n

fact, the lake has not always been so deserted : witness, for

example, the town of

at the SW. extremity. Even the

shores of the Sea of Galilee have gradually come

t o

wholly

abandoned except in three or four localities. T h e shores of the
Dead Sea too had once a very different aspect.

Both in

antiquity (we learn this from

Hist.

5 6

and also from the

mosaic) and so recently as the time of the Crusades

when Kerak and other fortresses had such an important position
the waters of the Dead Sea were enlivened with

vessels:

Nor were  the  curative  qualities  of  the  water of  the  Dead  Sea
unknown  in  the  Roman  period.  Julius  Africanus  speaks  of
these  baths as wholesome  (Reland,

as also does Galen

adds that an artificial substitute could

obtained by the simple expedient of saturating ordinary sea

water with added salt. Mention is often made of the mephitic
odour exhaled by the Dead Sea (see

but it has not

been shown that the lake itself is the cause of this. I t may be
occasioned either

the marshy lagoons by which the lake is

bordered, or

the mineral springs of the neighhourhood. The

sulphurous odoiir, which reminds one of that of rotten eggs, is
particularly noticeable

near

el-Fesbkhah.

The lake, as we have seen, lies

and

with a

maximum length of

maximum breadth of

I O

(Josephus gives

and

and a superficial area of

360

sy. m. (the Lake of Geneva being

224

m.).

It is divided into two unequal portions by

peninsula,

m. in length and about

ft. above the level

of  the lake,  flat for the  most  part,  but  with  a  range  of
hills  rising  300  ft.  This  peninsula,  formed  of  white
calcareous  marl,  with  deposits  of  salt  and  gypsum,
projects from the E.  shore  it is separated from the

shore by a channel about

m. in breadth.

The name

of the peninsula is

the last

designation, meaning the tongue,' has been brought
into connection with the mention of the

( E V

the

bay [mg. : Heb. tongue

that looketh southward

Josh.

5 ;

whilst the modern Arabic term is

applied to the land in the middle of the lake, the two
biblical passages refer to the water at the two ends of
the

(cp

Is. 11

the tongue of the Egyptian sea').

T h e

promontory of the

has been named Cape

Costigan and the

S. Cape Molyneux in honour

hold

explorers who navigated the Dead Sea in 1835 and

respec-

tively. We ought also

t o

mention the expeditionsof Moore and

Beek in 1837 and of Symonds in

and especially that of

Lynch of the

U.S.

navy in 1848 and that of the

Lnynes

1864,

of which were of great

The portion of the Dead Sea to the

of the

much the larger, and reaches a great depth (1278

ft.

The

smaller portion is quite shallow

and

in parts even fordable.  Possibly this  portion  is  of  less
ancient  date  than  the  rest  of  the  lake,  and  may  have
arisen  within historic times in

some sub-

sidence of the land. The shores immediately bordering

this section are the most saline of the whole country.

There are salt marshes in the neighhourhood, and it is
there that, running parallel with the

shore, the

curious ridge of

salt, a veritable

Lartet (p. 87) picturesquely calls it, occurs.

called Jebel Usdum

Usdum or

echoing the name of Sodom,-and rises

to a height of

600

ft., with a length of

m. and a

breadth of over half a mile.

In its immediate vicinity

can be seen, occasionally at least, detached pillars of salt,
suggesting some resemblance to a rudimentary colossal
statue.

Another peculiarity is the presence of asphalt in the

Dead Sea basin (see

ITUMEN

whence the Greek name

of Asphaltitis (cp

Str.

Dioscor.

Diod. Sic.

Since 1893 rowing boats, sailing boats, and, more recently

even steam launches have occasionally been a t the service
travellers.

tnd also of bituminous marl.

It is not,

from

deposits on its shores that the water of the Dead

Sea derives its bituminous constituents, but rather,

from deep subaqueous beds

there

a been

sbserved a marked coincidence between the appea

considerable bituminous masses floating

the surface

and the occurrence of the earthquakes which at intervals
desolate the whole of that region.

When these take

place quantities of bitumen are broken loose and come
to

the surface; the natives are diligent in collecting

them, but hitherto no methodical exploitation of these
mineral resources on

commercial basis has been

attempted.

The existence of bituminous constituents

in small quantity in the water can always be shown.

Notwithstanding the presence of this bitumen, of

springs, and of masses of sulphur which are

met with here and there,

also of certain igneous

formations, the region of the Dead Sea must not be
included in the category of volcanic territories properly

called.

On the contrary, in opposition to the asser-

tions of certain travellers too richly endowed with
imagination

Russegger and van de Velde), the

very competent geologists already named agree in
doubting whether any large part in the formation

this region ought to be attributed to igneous

T h e cretaceous

rise in regular stages on

W. hank

from the margin of the lake.

the other shore the arrange-

ment is no less regular;

under the cretaceous beds there are

strata and

there are other formations still

more ancient.

the most it may

admitted that certain

volcanic agitations have made themselves felt in the depths of
the lake.

Blanckrnhorn

p. 59) recalls and

attaches importance

made by Molyneux and

quoted by Ritter

relating

t o

a whitish belt of foam

from the NW. of

lake towards the

and

followiiig on the whole the median line of

lake above which

a  whitish  vapour  lingered  in  the  air.  From
supported by certain other indications, he concludes the existence
of  a  fault  in  the  floor  of  the  lake  which  is  prolonged  in  the
channel  skirting  the

and terminates in the

portion of

the lake near the embouchure of the W. Muhauwat. On

March of this year

the author of this

witnessed

the same

that seen

Molyneux in

general way we might describe the geological

formation of the Jordan valley and Dead Sea basin by

the  technical  expression
The phenomenon  occurred  at  the time of
the  transition  from  the  tertiary  to  the

quaternary epoch. It is not possible, therefore, to estab-
lish any relation between the formation of the Dead Sea

as a

whole and the catastrophe described in Gen.

19.

At most that narrative

possibly

of being

connected with certain events of a niore local character
and of secondary importance, which might have occurred
within historic times (see

As we have not

deal with the historical side of the question

with the geographical only it

will suffice

t o

say ( a ) that

text of Genesis speaks of a

of fire and brimstone and a

pillar of smoke rising to heaven, hut neither of a n earthquake
nor of an igneous eruption, nor of an inundation

(6) that

is nothing

t o

show that the cities of the Pentapolis were in the

plain of Siddim

(c)

that the remark in Gen.

'the plain of

Siddim

which

Sea' may he a

the

narrator or even the gloss of a copyist

late reader.

that

account must be taken of the

of the

Jordan

(Geu. 13

29)

(e)

that

a distinction

be made between the actual position of the Pentapolis and the
position assigned

t o

it by later writers, inasmuch a s these

entertained perhaps divergent opinions as to this point

;

that the position of Zoar is a s problematical as that of the other
four cities finally

that scholars are

into two

-those who place the Pentapolis

in the N. of the Dead Sea,

and those

place it in the

In complete contrast with its sombre narratives

regarding these doomed cities, the

OT,

in two propheti-

cal  passages  of  Ezekiel  and  Zechariah  already  cited,
describes  the  transformation  of  the  waste  and  barren
regions of  the  Dead  Sea  by  a life-giving stream  issuing
from  the  temple,  fertilising  all  that  it  touches

that

fish and fruit-bearing trees abound.

The well-known geologist

has adopted this

view.

DEAL

Reland,

Seetzen,

37-16 4352-365

v. Schubert

384-94;

Robin!

Literature.

son,

Res.

Geogr. of

the

Land,

(‘65)

Ritter,

der

von

etc.

Der Jordan

die

des

(‘50)

Jerusalem, 2

de Saulcy,

autour de la

Mer

R e y

Voyage

dans le

de la M e r

Fraas

Orient :

(‘67)

73-78

Das

Meer (‘67); Tuch,

des

Todten Meeres

nach

dem

(‘63)

Lynch,

the

Expedition to

. . .

the Dead Sea

(‘49);

Report

the

Expedition etc.

Voyage

see

iii.,

par M. Louis Lartet A. Stoppani,

Mare

E. Falcucci,

Mar

del

Hull,

Mount

chap. 13

Memoir

on the

Geology

and

Geography

etc.

(‘89)

Description de

(‘74):

Lortet,

L a

Tristram,

The

Land

G. A.

Hist.

the

Land

Blanckenhoru,

Gesch.

d. Todten Meeres,’

Z D P Y , 19

(‘96);

‘ N o c h

Sodom

Gomorrha,’

ib. 21

65-83

8); ‘ D a s Tote Meer u. der

gang von Sodom u.

Diener ‘ D i e

von Sodom u. Gomorrha

Forscbung,

DEAL, TENTH

Lev.

See

WEIGHTS

A N D

EASURES

DEATH,

see D

EAD

THE.

DEBIR

king of Eglon, defeated and slain by Joshua (Josh.

DEBIR

[BAL]).

(I)

A place in the

of Judah (Josh.

etc.

)

see K

JATH

SEPHER

In Josh.

is by AV taken as a place-name

on the

boundary of Judah it has been identified by

some with the present Thoghret ed Debr near

(Adummim) on the way from Jerusalem to

Jericho.

T h e text, however, isuncertainand the word

name.

to the fourth part

of the

Achor.’ D i . suggests the translation

west-

meaning

‘

behind’

;

but there is

no other-instance

of its geographical

renders :

Josh. 1326

Deborah

DEBORAH

‘ a

bee,’

cp W R S in

heroine who, with the aid of Barak, de-
livered the Israelites from their Canaanite

oppressors.

The victory is celebrated in

the triumphal ode, Judg.

The Israelites,

particularly the tribes which had settled about the plain
of Jezreel, had been reduced

great straits by the

Canaanites, who, holding the fortified cities along the

plain (Judg.

blockaded the main roads and cut

off communication, while from their strongholds they
harried the country

that the unwalled villages were

deserted

Incited by

the Israelites at

last took up arms against their oppressors.

Under

Barak as their leader,

Benjamin, and Manasseh

united  with  Issachar,  Zebulun,  and Naphtali,  and  gave
battle  to  Sisera  and  the  confederate  Canaanite  kings
in  the  plain  not  far  from  Taanach  and  Megiddo.
The Canaanites,  notwithstanding  their  formidable  iron

chariots, were put to rout the waters of the Kishon
completed their ruin.

Sisera, seeking refuge in flight

at a nomad‘s tent, was killed by a woman, Jael.

The history of the struggle is related somewhat

differently in chap.

according to which Barak, at the

summons of Deborah, raised ten thousand men of the
tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali, occupied Mt. Tabor,

and from that position attacked Sisera as the latter was
advancing against him. A more serious difference is that

Read

‘ t o the

Judah. Beth-

arahah (cp

156)

was

one

of its cities

On the relation of chaps. 4 and

5 in general, see

ES,

[A], the grandmother of

(Tob.

[BAL]).

DEBT

in chap.

the oppressorof Israel, fromwhomitis delivered

by Deborah, is Jabinltingof Hazor,
whilst Sisera is only

In the action, how-

ever, Jabin plays no part

;

and we can only surmise that

the story of Sisera has, by mistake, been connected
with

tradition of a

between some of the

northern tribes and the king of Hazor (cp also Josh.

11).

From chap.

we learn that Deborah was a prophetess

-an

inspired woman; that her husband‘s name was

Lappiddth and that her home was between Bethel and

whither the Israelites resorted to her for judg-

ment.

Chap. 515, however, seems to prove that she

was of the tribe of Issachar and

considerations

would incline

to think that she lived in or near the

plain of Jezreel. (For a conjecture

this subject see

ABERATH

)

That her home was in Mt. Ephraim may

have been inferred by the author of

4 5

(an editorial

addition to the narrative) from the existence of

tomb

of Deborah under a tree below Bethel, where, according
to the patriarchal legend (see below, no.

the nurse of

Rebekah was buried (Gen.

358).

Barak, who shares with Deborah the glory of the

victory,

from Kedesh in Naphtali

(46).

This city

is somewhat remote, and in the account of

flight seems impossible.

It has

been conjectured by Wellhausen

that the name

of the more famous Kedesh in Galilee has here sup-
planted an obscure K

EDESH

in Issachar

(

Ch.

672

with Daberath not far from Mt.

Tabor) a suggestion which is

more plausible that

if the text be sound, connects Barak also with

Issachar (cp B

EZAANANNIM

, K

ISHION

). I t is possible

that Kedesh in Naphtali, in the immediate vicinity

Hazor,

in some way from the story of Jabin.

The Song of Deborah bears in itself the evidence that

it is the work of one who had lived through the great

struggle which it celebrates, and is for
that reason of inestimable value as an

It is also not only

one of the oldest Hebrew poems which have come down
to

us,

but one of the greatest.

On its date cp

and P

OETICAL

ITERATURE

See also

der

1063

as canoes, sometimes

a man

and his wife the stars,

sometimes

ships, sometimes as human beings-the

children of the sun and moon

the clouds too were

described

ships-the 'ships of Tangaloa' (the

heaven- and air-god).

The flood itself was called

sometimes 'flood of the

(so

at Hawaii), some-

times

flood

day's

the sun

(so

at Tahiti).

This accounts for the strongly mythological characters of

in Babylonia and of Maui in New

who are, in fact, solar personages. Enoch too must be
classed in this category his perfect righteousness and
superhuman

now first becomeintelligible. More-

over,  we  now comprehend  how  the goddess  Sabitu (the
guardian  of  the entrance to the sea) can say to GilgameS
(himself  a  solar  personage)

the mighty

( L e . ,

the sun-god) crossed the s e a ; besides

(?)

who

can cross it?

For, though the

sea'

the epic is

no doubt the earth-circling ocean, it was hardly this
in the myth from which the words were taken.

The transference of the Deluge from heaven to earth

had two effects, First, it produced a virtual duplication

of the

points

the way to a probable explanation of
the appearance of the raven, the

swallow, and the dove

Babylonian account, and

of the dove and the raven in the Hebrew account.

authentic and striking Polynesian parallel to the descrip-
tion in Gen.

. . .

brooding over the face of the

waters

has been given already (see CREATION,

American tribes, too, frequentlyconncct the emergence

of  the earth from  the primordial  ocean with the descent
of  a raven, and their flood-myths, according to Brinton,
connect  the  rebuilding  of  the  earth with  the agency of

In the Algonkin account, however, the musk-

rat succeeds, when the raven fails, in finding a portion
of the submerged earth.

the primitive Babylonian

myths of Creation and Deluge

bird (whether raven or

dove), or birds, probably had a share in the process of
creation and re-creation.

The second effect of the transference spoken of was a

new speculative theory.

It occurred to the early men

that the idea of a second construction of the world
lightened the problem

the origin of things.

How the

primeval world arose might be difficult to

satis-

factorily : various mythic stories were current

but it

was not

hard to conceive of a world once destroyed

being reconstructed.

in course of time,

tematisers devised schemes bearing some resemblance to
the cycles of the Stoics.

seemed to them as if the

Creator were constantly being baffled in his experiments
by physical or moral perversity in the materials.

Thus

the priests of the Aztecs spoke of four antecedent ages,
separated by universal cataclysms, the present being the
fifth and

and a similar belief, in rudimentary forms,

Enoch like

wise.

is an

attribute of the

The same

title appears

be given to the young eagle in the myth of Etana

(see

supernatural

444).

Notice, too, that the old eagle in the Etana-myth and

are both mentioned

in connection with magical plants.

T h e legendary el-Hidr of the Moslems, whom Guyard and
Lenormant

identify with

was

also

the wisest of beings.

On this

parallel cp

263

and Dyroff,

also

See also

See

Dawn

584 Jeremias,

has been remarked, has some

affinity to

Circe.

Was the

Babylon a commemoration of the

Deluge?

is referred to in the epic narrative,

From

inscription of Nebuchadrezzar we learn that it was 'in

Zakmuk' (Jensen

Now Zakmuk, the New Year's

festival,

Creation.

Brinton,

the New

2 0 4 ;

Macdonell,

Cp above,

See

gives the

form' on the

authority of Father Le

It appears that the

Algonkins supposed all mankind to have perished in the Deluge.
This

is against deriving this

from a previous

myth. T h e Algonkin view, however. is not largely represented.

Mexico

and

Peru,

1064

DELUGE

is still prevalent throughout the American-Indian tribes.
The Zoroastrians believed in six ages of the world, with
a

final catastrophe issuing in

renovation. The six

ages are of late origin (see C

REATION

9 ) ; but the

renovation,

Darmesteter admits, goes back to the

period.

Not

without stimulus from

the Jews in later times advanced to the same

belief.‘  They  were  assured  that  the  present  world
would  be  destroyed  and  that  a  new heaven and  earth
would  take  its  place

6517 6622

Mt.

Pet.

Enoch

Apoc. Bar.

326)

in harmony with Gen.

fire was to be the destroying

agency

Pet.

These beliefs were naturally

fostered by the moral

of the best men,

see, not only from the biblical writings

Gen.

Pet.

and from the Babylonian

story, but  also  from an American (Quiche) story,  which
says,  They did  not  think or speak  of  the  Creator  who
had  created

and who had caused their

The intense moral fervour of the ancient Zoroastrian
hope of world-renovation is well known (see P

ERSIA

If it were possible to believe

primitive tradition

earlv human historv. and to acceut all

DELUS

mythic narratives

independent tradi-

tions, we should have

weary waste

Deluge-stories still to plod through.

There  are,  however,  only  three  more  such  accounts
which have any special  interest  from  our  present  point
of  view.

(a)

The Indian Deluge-story is the

This can hardly be a genuine Aryan myth, for there is
no clear reference to it in the Rig Veda.

The

Brahmana,

where

first occurs, was written

(Weber) not long before the Christian era. Another version, in
which the

of the earlier one are filled up, is given in the

but

this poem though it existed in part before

the

era did not

its present form till long

afterwards.

version, still more decidedly Indian

character, hut with some suspicious resemblances to the Semitic
accounts, is given in the

but the earliest

possible date of this work

is the twelfth century

which

deprives its account of the deluge of all claim to

The principal characteristic of the older Flood-story is

the part

to the fish which warns Manu of the

Deluge, and ultimately saves him by drawing his ship to
a

northern mountain.

This

surely out of character

with

mythology.

The horned fish, in which

Brahma appears, reminds

strongly of the Babylonian

fish-god Ea.

It was Ea who gave notice of the

Deluge to

Zimmer

Jensen

497) and Oldenberg

des

276) consider the Babylonian origin

of the Indian Flood-story to be certain

but

the

other hand cp Usener,

(6)

The second account is a Zoroastrian myth in the

Avesta

(

In its present form (even

after the prosaic additions have been removed; see
Geldner, in Usener,

it seems to have been

influenced by the Hebrew Deluge-story.

The Var, a square enclosure constructed by

Vedic god of the dead), had a door and perhaps a

like Noah’s Ark, and it was designed to preserve men,
and animals.

Apart from this, it reminds ns of the

Eden,  and  the  calamity  which  was  to  be  averted  was,  not  a
flood,  but  a  terrible  winter’s  frost,  connected,  however,  with
the  end  of  the

The myth seems to he a recast of

elements from more than one source.

Possibly there

was  a  primitive native  Deluge-story  but,  if  so,  it was
vitalised  from  a  Jewish  source,  some  time  during  the
third  or the second century,

.c.,

when (as Ramsay has

Che.
Is. 51

is a late mosaic of phrases, and irrelevant (see Du.

Brinton,

cif.

This is of course a later addition,

in one of the forms of the Tahitian myth

271).

See Muir,

Burnouf,

Weber

renhered ‘window,’

said to he a s

obscure a s the Hebrew

Gen.

see

ATTICE

Cp. Kohnt,

(c)

The third is a Phrygian myth.

pointed out) many thousands

Jews from Babylonia

were settled as colonists in the cities which the Seleucid,
kings had built.

This was the period of the inter-

mingling of religions, when Judaism too made conquests,
especially in

Asia

Minor. Even those who were not

otherwise

were influenced by Jewish legends

AND

OMORRAH

Important cities ex-

hibited

their coins biblical symbols, and harmonised

their old traditions with biblical narratives.”

Thus Apamea (formerly Kelainai) adopted the Noah-legend

;

Iconium that of Enoch whose name was connected with the
Phrygiah name of

This king (for such

tradition made him) was said to have lived more than 300 years

t o

have announced the coming Deluge, and to have prayed

his people. T h e mountain bard

Apamea was said t o he

that on which Noah’s ark grounded

;

the city therefore assumed

the title

(Ark).

The references already given are almost sufficient

(they may be supplemented from

Genesis)

but at least a brief mention is due to
Lenormant’s study in

The conclusion

382

arrived at is that of Franz Delitzsch and Dillmann,
that the Deluge is no ‘myth,’ but a historical fact.

Lenormant, at any rate, holds that the three great
civilised races of the ancient world preserved a dim

recollection of it.

This implies

self-propagating

power

tradition which the researches of experts in

popular traditions do not justify.

died,

martyr of  patriotism,  in  1884.  Would he have  changed
his mind  had  he  lived?  At  any  rate,  he  would  have
respected  the honesty of  those who  regard  the  Deluge-
story as

precious record of the myth-forming imagina-

tion which has been made subservient to

high moral

idealism.

ADAM

A N D

Lastly, the writer would call attention to

two articles

Scheil‘s Deluge-story

6 )

in the

New

York

and 17th Feb.

1898 (cp his

and Ass.

502

It is here maintained that

local

tradition of

rain-storm which submerged

506).

single city has been combined in the

with a myth of the destruction of mankind based upon
the annual phenomenon of the overflow of the Euphrates.

(as

Haupt in

and

Jastrow prefer to read the name) is the hero

the

local tradition, while

(

Gen.

69,

according to Jastrow) is the hero

the larger nature-

myth. The present writer admits that the version in
the epic is of composite origin, and that the names

and

perhaps come from

different sources

he holds that all the Babylonian

deluge-stories, whether simple or composite, have

mythic basis.  Moreover, he does not recognise that  the
simplicity of  the  oldest  Hebrew  version  of  the
story heightens  the probability that the  Hebrews carried
that  story  with  them  when  they  left  their  Euphratean
settlements.  The  account  given  above  of  the  origin

and development of the Hebrew story has surely not
lost any of its probability in consequence

Scheil‘s

discovery.

[See,

addition

works already cited, Noldeke,

‘Der

von der

pp.

R. Andree, Die

(‘91)

Usener,

pt.

(‘99). especially 7, ‘Ergebnisse’

M. Jastrow,

and

1899,

pp.

On the chief questions arising out of

the Babylonian Deluge-story, cp Jastrow,
and

Ass.

which, as also Usener’s

work, appeared after this article had been written.]

7-9

T. K.

DELUS,

[AKV],

the

See Bahelon, ‘ L a Trad. phryg. du Deluge,’

Rev.

des

pp.

;

and,

A pamea- Kelainai, Ramsay,

and

Bishoprics

chaps.

11, 12.

DEMAS

DEMETRIUS

smallest  of  the  Cyclades,  regarded  by  the  ancients
as  the  centre  of  the  group-a  confusion  of  the  geo-
graphical  and  religious  points

view (cp Str. 485).

Delos was both a shrine

a commercial centre, and

‘her whole destiny is explained by her religious traditions

and  her  geographical  situation.’  Though  nominally
free,  the  island  was  really  subject  to  the  dominant
power for the time  being in  the Aegean.

It was a free

port as early as 168

and attracted a great part of

the Rhodian trade (Polyb.

3 1 7 ) .

After 146

entered upon the heritage of Corinth

486).

The

acquisition

the province of Asia by the Romans in

added greatly to the wealth and importance of

Delos.

Now began the most brilliant epoch of its

history : the inscriptions show that its commercial
relations were with the Levant, chiefly Syria and Egypt.

Pausanias calls the island

(viii. 332). For long it was the chief emporium

of merchandise from the

to the

that the fine

bronze or copper wares of Greece were called indiffer-
ently Corinthian, or

from the place of export

Cic.

283).

The island

became especially a great  slave  mart, where  the Asiatic
slave dealers disposed  of  their  human  cargoes to Italian
speculators  as many as

thousand were landed and

sold in a day (Str. 668). Naturally such a spot attracted
large numbers of Jews (Jos.

Ant.

1 0 8

Philo,

Cui.

Macc.

According to

Greek

inscription, a company of Tyrian merchants was settled
there as early as the second century

B.C.

(CZG 2271).

At the altar of Delos Antiochus Epiphanes set up statues
(Polyb.

and an inscription to Herod Antipas has

been discovered in the island (cp

B.C.

men, mostly Italians, were massacred in

the island  by Archelaos,  admiral  of  the  Pontic  fleet  of
Mithridates,  a  blow  from  which  it  partially  recovered,
only to be finally ruined  about twenty years later by the
systematic  and  wholesale  destruction  wrought  by  the
pirate  Athenodorus.

The resurrection of the island

was rendered impossible by the rapid growth of
and the revival of Corinth (for its decay, cp Paus. viii.

ix.

346).

See the articles

Homolle in the Bull.

good

ET,

DEMAS

[Ti: WH]) is enumerated by the

apostle Paul as among his fellow-workers

the time

his (first)

captivity (Philem. 24

See also

Steinthal,

Zeit.

The substantial

of the chapter i s

by Kue. and

Dr.

Cp.

EXATEUCH

is not

denied that many

the institutions and customs embodied

are of great

1082

DEUTERONOMY

agreed  by all that  the little  collections of  laws 'in J E  are
older  than  Deuteronomy.  The most  convincing  proof
of  this  is  given,  of  course,  by

Deuteronomic laws

restricting the worship of Yahwb to the one temple at
Jerusalem.

It may confidently be inferred also from the

given throughout Deuterohomy to motives

of humanity, and the way in which

religious

like the triennial tithe, are transformed into sacred
charities, as well as from

constant appeal to the

memory of

G o d s

goodness as a motive for goodness to

fellow-men.

Where the provisions

Deuteronomy

differ from those of the

of the Covenant, they

sometimes  appear  to  be  adapted  to  a  more  advanced
stage  of  society;  as  when  the  old  agricultural
year  is  replaced  by  an  experiment  in  the  septennial
remission  of  debts.

The many laws dealing with con-

tracts of one kind or another also are to be noted.

Most

recent critics are of the opinion, further, that

the author of the

law--book was not only

acquainted with Ex.

21-23,

also

made this code

basis of his own

work  Deuteronomy,  it is said, is a revised and enlarged
Covenant  Book,  adapted  to  some  extent  to  new  con-
ditions,  but  with  only one change of  far-reaching effect,
the centralisation  of

in Jerusalem.

It may he

questioned, however, whether the evidence mill sustain

strong a statement of the dependence of Deuteronomy

on the Book of the Covenant.

identical clauses are very few and in some instances

at least, have probably arisen from

conformation:

There is no trace of  the  influence of  the  Covenant  Book  either
in  the  general  arrangement  of  Dt. 12-26  or  in  the  sequence
particular laws.  T o  fully one half  of  the  Covenant

(after

the subtraction of the

precepts),

the

Assaults

and Injuries, Ex. 21

there is no parallel in Dt.

the subject of Authorities in Dt. 1 6

has no counterpart in

Ex. 21-23; of thirty-five laws in Dt. 21

only seven

have parallels in the older code. Finally, in the corresponding
laws the coincidences are hardly

frequent

more nearly

exact than

should expect in two collections originating at no

great distance in place or time, and based upon the same religious
customs and consuetudinary law the evidence of literary de-

pendence is much less abundant and convincing than it must be
if Dt. were merely a revised and enlarged Book of the

Certain laws in Deuteronomy have parallels also in

but, whilst the provisions of these laws are often

closely similar, the formulation and phrase-

some points

seems to be a stage beyond Dt.

but

the differences are not of a kind to imply a considerable
interval of time so much as a diversity of dominant
interest, such as distinguishes

from Jeremiah.

Dt. 14 3-21, compared with Lev. 11, has been thought to prove

that Dt. is dependent upon

but the truth seems rather

that both are based on a common original a piece of priestly
Torah, which each reproduces and modifies'in its own

References to the history of Israel are

fewer in

Dt.

12-26

than in

1-3

they are of a more incidental

a usive character, and the author

some freedom in the use of

his

material

but, as far as they can

be certainly traced,  they appear  to  be  all derived  from
JE, or  from the  cycle  of  tradition  represented  by  that
work.  That  the  author  did  not  have  before  him  J E
united  with

is proved by his reference to the fate of

Dathan and Abiram

( 1 1 6 )

he had read

Nu.

in its

present form, in which the story of Datlian and Abiram

(JE) is almost inextricably entangled with that of Korah

he could hardly

failed to name the latter, who

is the central figure of the composite narrative (cp

Nu.

Jude

and see

and D

ATHAN

A N

ology are throughout entirely

antiquity ; nor  that  in  particular  instances  they  may  be  more
primitive  than  the corresponding titles  of  Dt. ; nor  that some of
them  may  have

a comparatively fixed form, oral or

written, before

'exile.

They may be conveniently compared in the

table

in Dr. Deut. p.

or in Staerk, Deut.

where they are

printed side by side.

See also

ITI

n. 5 ;

But even if he had possessed P separately,

it  would  be  almost  inexplicable  that  lie  so  uniformly
follows  the  representation  of  J E  where  it  differs  from
P  or  conflicts with it.

The instances which have been

adduced to prove that he was acquainted with

are too

few and uncertain to sustain the conclusion moreover,
they are all found in the long digression,

99-10

which

probably was no part of the primitive

The traditional opinion among Jews and Christians,

that Deuteronomv was written bv Moses shortlv before

his death, though resting on the testi-
mony of the book itself

is contradicted bv both the internal and

the external  evidence  the contents  of  the book  and the
entire religions history of  Israel  prove that  Deuteronomy
is the product  of  a much  later  time.  The legislation of
J E  (in  the  main,  doubtless,  merely  the  booking  of  an
ancient  consuetudinary  law)  is  without  exception  the
law of  a settled  people, engaged  in husbandry.

Deuter-

onomy reflects a still

advanced stage of culture,

and must be ascribed to

time when Israel had long

been established in Palestine. The fundamental law
for the Hebrew monarchy, Dt.

14-20,

presumes not

only the existence of  the kingdom, but  also considerable
experience  of  its  evils.  Solomon  appears  to  have  sat
for the portrait  of  the  Icing  as he  ought  not  to

the  prohibition  of  the  multiplication  of  horses  and
treasure  we may recognise the influence of  the prophets,
to whom the political and military ambition  of  the
seemed apostasy  (see,

Is.

The constitution of

court in

thought

modelled after the tribunal which Jehoshaphat

(middle of

century

established

( 2

Ch.

More convincing than the arguments derived from

these special laws are the ruling ideas and motives of

the whole book.  The thing upon which
Deuteronomy  insists  with  urgent  and
unwearied  iteration  is that

shall

be worshipped  only at  one place,  which  he  himself  will
choose, where  alone  sacrifices may  be  offered  and  the
annual festivals celebrated.  Although no place is
there can be  no doubt,  as there was none  in  the  minds
of  Josiah  and his counsellors, that  Jerusalem  is meant.

I t

owed

religious importance to the fact that in it was the royal

temple of the

kings;

this was far from putting it

on an equality with the venerable sanctuaries of Bethel and

and Beersheba. The actual pre-eminence of

Jerusalem, without which the attempt to assert for it an ex-
clusive sanctity is inconceivable, was the result of the historical
events of the eighth century.

The fall of the kingdom of Israel

)

left Judah

the only people of YahwB.

The holy places of Israel

were profaned by the conquerors-proof that
repudiated the worship offered to him there,

the

prophets had declared.

quarter of a century later

Sennacherib invaded Judah, ravaged the land, destroyed
its cities, and carried off their inhabitants the capital
itself was at the last extremity (see

SRAEL

The deliverance of the city from this

peril seemed  to be a direct  interposition  of  Yahwb, and
Jerusalem  and  its  temple  must  have  gained  greatly  in
prestige through this token  of

Gods

signal favour.

This of itself, however, would not give rise to the idea

that

was to be worshipped in Jerusalem alone.

The  genesis  of  this  idea  must  be  sought  in  the  mono-
theism of  the prophets.  At a time when monotheism had
not  yet  become conscious  of  its  own  universalism,  men
could hardly fail to reason  that if  there was

one true

he was to be worshipped in but one place. And

that place, in

light of history and prophecy, could only

be Jerusalem.

The way in which Dt. attempts to carry

See Dt. 103

and, on these passages Kne.

; Dr. Deut.

xvi. On

also below,

(small type).

Cp Dt. 1 7

with K. 4 10

critical examination of the history of the reign of

phat in

does not, however, inspire ns with much

confidence in the account of his judicial reforms.

was not one of the ancient holy places

Israel.

DEUTERONOMY

out this principle, by simply transferring to Jerusalem
the cultus of the local

with their priesthoods,

was only practicable

narrow territorial limits, such

those of the kingdom of Judah in the seventh century.

We have the explicit testimony of the Books of Kings

that there was no attempt to suppress the old local sanctu-
aries in Judah until the reign

Hezekiah; the most

godly kings left the high-places unmolested

(

35).

The

author

of Kings, to whom

temple in Jerusalem was, from

the moment when Yahwi: took up his abode in it

(

the only legitimate place of sacrifice, condemns

this remissness as a  great  sin  but  there  is no evidence
that the religious leaders  of  Israel  down  to  the  end  of
the eighth  century

regarded it.

is in despair

over the sacrilege which threw

the altars of

when he goes to meet God face to face, it is not to
Jerusalem, but to Horeb, the old holy monntain in the
distant

S.,

that he turns his steps. Amos and Hosea

inveigh  against  the  worship  at  the  holy  places  of  the
Northern  Kingdom  because  it  is  morally  corrupt  and
religiously false, not  because  its  seats  are illegitimate
nor  is their repudiation of  the worship on the high-places
more unqualified than  Isaiah's  rejection of  the cultus in
Jerusalem  (Is.

The older law-books, far from

forbidding sacrifice at altars other than that in Jerusalem,
formally sanction the erection of such altars, and promise
that at every recognised place of worship

will

visit his worshippers and bless them

According to

removed the high-

places, demolished the

hewed down the sacred

The false tenses prove, however that

has been

in-

terpolated

very late hand

;

the

text said only that

Hezekiah removed the bronze serpent which was worshipped

the temple (see

nor can much greater reliance

the reference in the speech of the

I t may well

Hezekiah after the retreat of

took vigorous measures to

the idolatry against

Isaiah thundered in both his earlier and his later prophecies
(2

8 18

perhaps including the sacred trees and

other survivals of

natural religion (Is. 1

In any case,

the reaction of the

reign swept away

all

traces of his

work. Cp

SAIAH

Another very distinct indication of the age in which

Dt. was written is found in the foreign religions which

DEUTERONOMY

the prophets of the eighth century ; neither the impressive
ideas nor the haunting phrases of Dt. have left their

The inference that Dt. was unknown to

the religious leaders of Israel before the seventh century
is hardly to be avoided.

On the other hand, in all its ruling ideas, Dt. is

dependent upon the prophecy of the eighth century.

have already seen that the deliverance of Jerusalem

from Sennacherib  prepared  the  way  for  the  belief  that
the temple on  Mt.  Zion  was the only sanctuary at which
Yahwi: should be worshipped,  and that  the  monotheism
of  the  prophets  was  the  theological  basis  of  the  same
belief.  T h e  lofty theism  of

which exalts

not

in might and majesty, but also

righteousness,

goodness, and truth-the moral transformation of the
old conception of

holiness (see

1)-is of

the

origin, whilst the central idea of the book,

that the essence and end of true religion is the
love of God and his people, is derived from Hosea.

general, the theology of Dt. is an advance upon

that of the prophets of the eighth century, whose
teaching it fuses

assimilates, and approximates to

that of Jeremiah and Isaiah

the same result we are led by the literary character

of Dt.

Its style is more, copious and flowing than that

of earlier writers

;

but it lacks their terse vigour, and is

not free from the faults of looseness, prolixity, and
repetition, into which a facile pen

easily glides. In

these respects it exhibits the tendencies which mark the
literature of the seventh century

the Exile. The

diction, also, is distinctly that of the same period,
closely resembling that of Jeremiah.

Evidence of every kind thus concurs to prove that the

primitive Dt. was a

of the seventh century.

it combats.

The worship of

the whole

host of heaven' (Dt.

1 7 3

Assyrian cult frequently condemned by

the prophets of the seventh century (Jer.

but not mentioned by any earlier writer,

was  probably  introduced  by  Manasseh,  during  whose
reign  Assyrian  influence  was  at  its  height  in  Judah.
T h e   sacrifice of  children,  'sending  them  through  the
fire'  to  the  King-God  (Dt.

also belongs to

the seventh century (see

neither Isaiah nor

any of the other prophets of the eighth century alludes
to

these rites.

A relatively late date has been inferred also from the

laws against the erection of steles and sacred poles

and

by thealtars of

(Dt.

The older laws only enjoin the destruction of the Canaanite

holy-places with all their appurtenances (Ex. 34

24 ; cp

Dt. 12 3).

The prophets of the eighth century, especially Hosea

and Isaiah, assail the idols of

but not the more primitive

standing stones and posts

;

the

against the latter begins

with Jeremiah.

The age of Dt. may be

also by its relation

to other works of known date.

From the time of

Jeremiah, the influence of Dt. is un-
mistakably to be recognised in the
whole prophetic and historical literature,

whilst we look in vain for

trace of this influence in

Cp the much more extended account of these reforms in

Ch. 29-31.

it were established that Hezekiah

down the high-

places, it would not follow that Dt.

older than Hezekiah ;

more probable hypothesis,

view

of all the testimony of the

prophets and the historical books, would he that the
nomic law was in the line of the measures adopted

the king.

Cp also the worship of the Queen of Heaven, Jer.

See Q

UEEN O

EAVEN

1085

The fact that it combats foreign
which were introduced by Manasseh
militates

the opinion entertained

some scholars, that it-had its origin in the last

years of

perhaps in connection with the

reforms of that king.

hypothesis which commends

itself  to  many  critics  is  that  Dt.  was  composed  in  the
reign  of  Manassch  as  aprotest  against the  evils  of  the
time  and  as a programme  of  reform.  Its authors died
without  being  able  to  accomplish  their  object, and  the
book  was  lost, until,  many  years after, it was  accident-
ally discovered

the temple by

T o others it

seems more probable that Dt. was written under Josiah,
shortly before it was brought to light, by

who

thought the time ripe for an attempt to introduce the
reforms

which alone, they believed, Judah could be

saved, and had intelligently planned the way in which
this should be

Everything points to Jerusalem as the place where

Dt. was written

a work whose aim was to exalt the

temple to the position of

sole sanctuary

of Yahwi: can hardly have originated any-

where else.

The Torah of the priests is thronghont so

intimately  united  with  the  religious  teachings  of  the
prophets  that  we  are  constrained  to  believe  that  both
priests  and  prophets  were  associated  in  its  production,
or  at  least  that  it's  priestly  authors  were  thoroughly
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  prophets.

Who these

authors were cannot be more definitely

That the authors of the primitive Dt. freely used

older collections of laws has been eenerallv

Beside Ex.21-23 (on which see above,

remains of another collection are

found in Dt. 22-25. Staerk and

have recently undertaken to show by minute

This is equally true of the older historians but their works

have been preserved only in deuteronomistic recensions.

On the diction of

see the commentaries of Kn. and

Kleinert,

Deut.

Hex.

4 '

Holz.

Dr.

Dt.

On the

Holz.

; Dr. p.

Wette Reuss Graf

We.

Che. andothers.

The

the

Dt.

(von

Bohlen,

is for various reasons untenable.

DEUTERONOMY

analysis that both the hortatory and the legislative
parts of Dt. are in

stricter sense composite.

According to Steuernagel the hook discovered in the temple

in the eighteenth year of

was the work of

redactor, who combined with considerable skill -but
ally, and without substantial

older

works of

like character, each consisting of a hortatory introduction and a
body of laws.

of them

is marked by the direct

address to Israel in the second person singular ; the other (PI.)
uses the plural. The older of these works

is assigned to

the early years of Manasseh’s reign (shortly after

the

other (PI.) was composed

670.

The union of the

the redactor

falls in the middle of the century, twenty-five

DEUTERONOMY

also

32)

seems

be directly dependent upon

Jeremiah

(16

Chap.

appears to be

secondary addition to Dt., composed in the Exile, and
closely

29,

if not by the same hand.”

Chap.

the designation by Moses of three

asylum cities east of the Jordan, has

connection

years or more before the discovery of the book

the temple.

Sg. and

made use of older .collections of laws and

sources can still in part be recognised.

One of the’chief

sources of Sg. (the Grundsammlung was put out in support
of Hezekiah‘s reforms, probably not long after

7 2 2

Chaps.

1-3,

in the form of an address

Moses

Israel, contain a review of the principal events of the

migration, from the departure of the
Israelites from

to the moment at

This

retrospect throughout follows thehistory

of J E , from which its material is drawn and many

which he is speaking to

phrases and whole clauses are

Upon

examination it appears that the chief

of the

chapters is

which the author had before

separately whether he made use of J is doubtful of
dependence on P there is no trace.

The retrospect begins abruptly with the command to

from Horeh

and it has been conjectured that 9

(or a t least 9 25-10

which recites the transgression a t

and brings the

the precise point where it is taken

in 1, once stood before 1 7 .

More probably however

9 9-10

is not a misplaced fragment of the

but

product of successive editorial ampliiications.3 The

ends

as ahruptly as it begins; the words, ‘And we abode in the
valley in front of Beth-peor (3

must originally have been

followed

an account of the sin a t Baal-peor (Nu.

Dt.

The chapters

are not by the author of

5-26.

The resemblance in language and style is unquestionably
very close, though there are some noticeable differences
but the diversity of historical representation is decisive
cp

2 2 9

with

The opinion of some critics, that

was prefixed to

the primitive Dt. to connect it with the history in Ex.
and Nu., is improbable for such a purpose a recapitu-
lation of the history was more than

Others,

with better reason, suppose that the historical
was intended as the introduction to

separate edition

of Dt.

The way in which it begins and ends (see above,

small  type)  suggests  that  it was  not  composed  for  the
purpose,  but  was  extracted  and  adapted  by  the  editor
from  some older  source.

Conclusive marks of the age

of the chapters, further than their dependence upon

and the general affinity to the deuteronomistic school,
are hardly to be discovered.

Chap.

has generally been taken with

1-3,

as a

close to the historical introduction.

There is, however, neither a formal nor

material connection between them.

The historical allusions in the exhortation are to events

related, not in

32-35

differ from the

retrospect

etc.) and agree with

making the speaker’s audience witnesses of the scenes a t Horeh ;
the greater part of 4

is onlya homiletical enlargement on 5

In other points

goes beyond

5-11

its monotheism

takes a loftier tone, like that of Is.

40-55

(see

4 3 5 3 9

15-19).

I n

deportation and dispersion are inevit-

able the prediction that in the far country Israel will
retnrn to

and find forgiveness takes the central

place which it has in the exilic prophets.

The language resembles

5-11

more closely than

1 - 3 ,

but has peculiarities of its own :

are

of words

and phrases which remind

of Ezekiel,

and

(cp

Chap.

which now forms the

to the speech

is not homogeneous, and glosses have been pointed out in
discourse itself.

See particularly Dr.

on these chapters, where the rela-

tion is well exhibited.

Cp above,

IT.

1087

either  with  what  precedes  or  with  what
follows.  I n  phraseology the verses agree
closely with  Dt.

after which they

are probably modelled.

They

originally have

stood after

3 1 7

or perhaps after

29.

Chap.

444-49,

the title and superscription to

the corresponding superscription

appears to be

the  product  of  successive  additions  and  redactions  by
scribes or editors  the oldest  form of  the title may have
been simply,  This  is  the  law  which  Moses  laid  before
the  Israelites  on  the  other

of Jordan, in the land

of Moab’ (cp

1 5 ) .

Chap.

2 7 ,

in narrative form,

entirely dis-

connected in the midst of the speeches of Moses,

separating

from

2 6 .

Graf, accordingly,

regarded it as an interpolation, introduced
when

Dt.

was united with the older

historical

( J E ) , whilst Wellhausen

in it the

conclusion of

separate edition of the Deuteronomic

12-26

27).

The chapter

(27)

consists of four distinct parts :

14-26.

may, as many critics think, have originally

connected

with

2 8 .

where there is much

repetition, 5-7n has long been recognised as a fragment
of the ancient

to which Ex.

2 0 2 4 - 2 6

belongs.

seem to be the sequel of

the whole being a liturgical embodiment of

1126-28,

and plainly secondary.

cannot be by

the

author of

the things on which Dt. lays the

greatest stress are lacking in this decalogue, which

cento gathered from all strata of the legislation, especially
from Lev.

Chap.

contain

new address of exhortation and

warning, introduced, like

by the words, ‘And

Moses convoked all Israel.’ The stand-
point of the writer is similar to that of

1-40,

and differs in the same way from that of

5-26

1-46

cp in particular

with

The anthor

had before him the denteronomic law, with its blessings
and curses, in a book

cp also

6r).

The diction differs considerably from that of

5-26,

and approximates more closely to that of Jeremiah,

upon whom the author is evidently dependent.

Chaps.

are, therefore, like

4 ,

an exilic addition to Dt. T h e

movement of thought in these chapters is far from being
orderly or coherent :

16-28

does not naturally

and the latter verses have no obvious

connection with

cannot originally have

stood between

and

The position of

these chapters

difficult to explain.

Chap.

1-46

the proper conclusion of the long speech of Moses,

5-26 291

is a formal subscription,

the

end of the book.

The only natural place for fresh

admonitions to observe the law would be after the law
had been committed to writing

24-27)

and it

has been conjectured, not without probability, that this
was the original position of the parting

Chap.

3 1 ,

which takes up the narrative again,

composite, and presents

criticism most difficult

problems.

Verses

are not the sequel of

or of

they take

the story at the point which the historical introduction reaches

;

they are deuteronomistic in colour,

23.

Chap.

31.

and Dillmann surmises that once they followed
3

immediately.

parallel to

is found in

in which

himself gives the charge to Joshua a t the

sacred tent ; these verses are probably derived from

T h e

intervening verses

16-22

are an introduction to the ‘Song of

Moses,’

1-43,

to’which

is the corresponding close. This

On this point see further below,

23.

See next section

on 31

DEUTERONOMY

introduction is

not

deuteronomic, as the language proves

;

it is

equally clear that it is not

the author

T h e

question of the source of the verses will recur

connection

the age of the poem itself (next

second par.).

Vu.

relating how the law was committed to writing and preserved,
form an appropriate conclusion to the account of the giving of

the law and are

many critics connected with 5-26

T h e

of the law is the subject of 24-27, which the

repetition and the'different motive prove to

another hand;

seems to he a preparation for the

the

and is as much

of place after

as 24-27 after

the whole passage

is therefore ascribed to a redactor.

Dillmann

that

(in

originally consti-

tuted the introduction, not to the Song of Moses,

to a

speech

the close of which is to he found in

This speech,

containing the

exhortations and

of Moses, was

removed from

place after

to make room for the Song,

though worked over and extensively inter-

polated, in

For reasons which have already heen indicated,

we should not, however, with Dillmann, attribute this speech to
the author of 5-26 28, hut to a later deuteronomistic

Chap.

1-43

The

theme of

the Ode is the goodness of

the sin of Israel in

rejecting

and the ruin which this

apostasy entails. The poem contains no
definite allusions to historical events by

which its age

be exactly determined. The conquest

of Canaan evidently lies for the writer in a remote past

he has had ample experience of the pro-

pensity of Israel to adopt foreign religions,

of the

national calamities in which the prophets saw the

judgments of

upon this defection. The language

has been thought to indicate that the author was

native  of  the  North;  and  many  scholars  believe  that
the situation reflected in the poem is that of  the kingdom
of  Israel  in the reign  of  Jehoash  (797-783 B

.c.)

or the

early years of Jeroboam

when, after the

long and disastrous Syrian wars, Israel was beginning
to recover its former power and

Others,

understanding by the ' n o people'

the 'foolish

nation'

the Assyrians, to whom such

would he applied more naturally than they could he to

(cp Is.

ascribethe poem to the

latter half of the eighth century.

The words may, how-

ever, with

greater probability, be interpreted of the

Babylonians (cp Jer.

especially Hab.

Dt.

In the vocabulary of the Song there are

several

which are not found in writers of the eighth

century,  but are common in the literature of  the seventh
and  sixth;  the  Aramaisnis  in  word  and  form  which
have been  looked upon  as evidence of  Ephraimite origin

eqnally well be marks of a later age. The poem

contains many reminiscences of the older prophets,
especially of Hosea and Isaiah hut in its whole spirit

as well as in particular expressions, it is much

more  closely akin  to  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel, and  Is.
It has a'strong resemblance, also,  to the exilic additions
to  Dt.

( 4

its theology is that of these chapters

and

Is.

Its affinities to the Psalms and the

products of Jewish Wisdom are

It is,

in fact, a didactic poem, embodying in lofty verse the

interpretation of Israel's history from beginning

to end.

and others ascribe the Song to the

end of the seventh century (say

c. )

but the

considerations last adduced, and others which might he
mentioned, point rather to an exilic or post-exilic date.

It has commonly been assumed that the introduction

to the Song

(31

16-22)

is pre-deuteronomic (J or E)

not so mnch, however, upon internal evidence as in
consequence of general theories about the age of the

poem and the composition of the last chapters of Dt.

is intrinsically at least equally .probable that the

On the

Song of Moses see Ew.

8 47-65

Kamph.

1862;

Klo. Das Lied Mose's u.

das Deut.

249

45 230

reprinted in

Der

Peat.

Z A T W 5

For the older literature see Di.

395;

Reuss,

See

This verse is, however, probably not from the Assyrian

period.

See

etc.

Kue. attributes it to Rje.

1089

is post-deuteronomic and this hypothesis

strongly commended by the fact that the Song itself

apparently been put in the place of the

discourse

Moses

which is itself a product of the 'exile.'

Chap.

is the closing note to the

3 1 3 0

at its beginning.

Verses

45-47

ire the close of the speech, answering

contain no allusion

the Song; their literary

are to

not to 31

16-22

C h a p .

belongs to the priestly stratum

the

is given

more briefly in

Nu.

12-14

(P).

Chap.

The Blessing wherewith Moses the man

God blessed the Israelites before he died.

Beyond

this superscription. no attempt is made to
connect the poem with the history of

last days from which it

be inferred that it

vas not introduced by a deuteronomistic editor. The

verses

which are very obscure, in part

corruption of the text, describe the coming of

from Sinai, the giving of the

the acquisition

the territory of Jacob

and the rise of the kingdom

n Israel.

Thereupon come, without any transition,

Blessings on eleven tribes, following a geographical

from south to north, and differing greatly in

ength and in character.

The Blessing of Moses is a composition

the same

as the so-called Blessing of Jacob (Gen.

though not a mere imitation of it. The
historical situation reflected in the Blessings

the several tribes in

that of a time considerably

ater than that in Gen.

cp particularly Levi (Gen.

Dt.

and Judah (Gen.

Dt.

3 3 7 ) .

.he other hand, the situation is entirely different from that

in the Song of Moses, Dt.

3 2 .

While in

the latter, apostasy has drawn upon Israel the consuming

and the very existence of the people is

the Blessing breathes from

end a

national spirit exalted by power and prosperity and
unbroken by disaster.

The author was a member of

of the northern tribes, or a

at one of the

northern sanctuaries.

The blessing of Joseph

was  written  at  a  time  when  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  in
the pride of  its power, and perhaps  flushed with  victory,
was  thinking  of  foreign  conqiiests

Recent critics

have generally followed Graf in ascribing the poem to
the time of Jeroboain

when for a

brief space Israel seemed to have regained all its ancient
power and glory;

is then referred to the recovery

of the territories of which Gad had been stripped by
the Syrians of Damascus in the disastrous period which
preceded.

T h e prayer

Hear,

the voice of Judah, and

bring him to his people,' has heen understood as the wish of the
Ephraimite poet that Judah might be reunited to Israel,

thought

many to point to a time soon after the division of the

kingdom, when the desire for the restoration of the national unity

was

still

This obscure verse. however. cannot he allowed

outweigh

clearer testimony of other

of the chapter.

T h e Blessing of

Levi

describes the privileges

offices

of the priesthood and the fidelity of Levi to its sacred trust.
There is nothing

indicate that the author was a priest of the

temple in

priests of other temples also were

any cogent reason for thinking that

are

Jewish interpolations. Verse

however, is hardly a blessing

for the priesthood,  and would unquestionably he more appropri-
ate to one of the other tribes  hut that  it was the original  sequel
of 76, as has heen  conjectured,  is not  evident.

On the whole. the age of Jeroboam

seems best to

Verses

satisfy the implications of the Blessings.

See above

23.

On the

see Hoffm. in Keil and Tzschirner's

iv.

continued in a series of Jena Pro-

grams,

;

1857

Der

1873 ;

van

der Flier,

38,'

1895

' T h e Blessing of Moses,'

See also

T h e older literature in Di.

Reuss, G A T , 216.

The meaning of these

is much disputed.

it is not certain that Jerusalem is meant (cp

JAMIN,

8).

1090

DEUTERONOMY

26-29, have no connection with the Blessings, and it is
not

improbable that they are fragments of another poem.

Whether the Blessing of Moses was contained in J or

is a question which we have no means of answering

neither  the  short  introduction,  nor  the  titles  of  the
several  Blessings (which  alone  can be  attributed  to  an
editorial  hand), offer  anything  distinctive  nor  do  the
reminiscences of  the earlier  history.

The story

the death of Moses is highly

composite, elements from

and

as well as the

hand of more than one editor, being recognisable in it.

Deuteronomy is the prophetic law-book, an attempt

to embody the ideal of the prophets in institutions and

Chap.

34.

DEUTERONOMY

Bethel or of Beersheba. But the great doctrine of

Dt. is,

thy God is one Yahwb.'

The

Thou shalt have no other gods beside me,'

stronglyreaffirmed

28,

etc.)

'he worship of

gods is punished by death

also

the apostasy

the nation by national ruin

7 4

etc.) for Yahwb is

God

Not only in Israel, which is

people, but also

Canaan, which is his land,

there shall be no other god or cult. Every trace of the old
religions of Palestine is to be obliterated.

The Canaan-

ites themselves

be exterminated, lest, in intercourse

with them, Israel be infected with their religion

93, cp

Alliance and intermarriage

with the heathen are stringently

etc.

)

and many special laws are directed against heathen
customs and rites

see,

225 23

less urgent

warnings are given against the

of remoter

peoples

The essence of the religions relation between

and his

is love.

He has loved Israel

laws by which the whole religious,
social, and civil life of the people should
be governed.

recognise this aim

the treatment of the

right and

custom of Israel, and more clearly in those provisions
which are peculiar to Deuteronomy, above all in the
fundamental law, chap.

not to regulate con-

duct by outward rule, but to form morality from
within by the power of a supreme principle.

The dominant idea of Deuteronomy is monotheism.

The first sentence of the older Decalogue,' repeated

expresses, indeed, only a rela-

tive monotheism

but the fundamental

deuteronomic law,

Yahwi: our God is

one Yahwb

declares, not only that there are not

many

as there are many Baals, but also that

there is  no  other  who  shares with  him  the  attributes  of
supreme  godhead  which  are  connoted  by  his  name.
H e   is  the God  of  gods  and  the  Lord  of  lords,  the
great,  mighty, and awful God'

to whom belong

the heavens and the heavens of heavens, the earth and

all that therein is'

'the [only] God in the

heavens above or in the earth beneath; there is no
other' (439, cp

The unapproachable majesty of

his constancy to his purpose,

and his faithfulness to his word are often recurring
themes

etc.).

He is a God who re-

quites his enemies to the full

;

yet a compassionate

and forgiving God to those who under his judgments

to him again

Idolatry is strictly forbidden.

The images and

emblems of the Canaanite pods are to be totally de-

stroyed

The Decalogue

prohibits the making of images of

in the likeness of anv obiect in

heaven,  or on  the earth,  or  in  the  s e a ;   and  in
where  this  prohibition  is  emphatically  repeated,
is reminded  that  at  Horeb,  when

to them

out of the

of the fire, they saw no form-a lesson

to them not to image him in any form.

The more

primitive standing stones and sacred poles are inclnded
in the prohibition

All kinds of

divination, sorcery, and necromancy are

heathenish

will and purpose are made

known, not by such signs as are interpreted by the
art,

by the mouth of his prophet

is to be worshipped, not at many sanctuaries,

at one only, in the place which he chooses to fix

his name there

I 6

etc.

The unity of the sanctu-

ary is

consequence of the unity of

God. The suppression of the

which

strenuouslyinsistecl on in Dt., was primarily dictated, not
by practical considerations, but by the instinctive feel-
ing that their existence was incompatible with
theism : as long as there were many altars there were as
many local

It is doubtless true that, for the

religious consciousness of the great mass of worshippers,
the

of Dan was not

the same

the

On the various forms

this code see D

ECALOGUE

See also 3 24

I t has been observed

that

the theology

of 41-40

approximates more nearly

that

Is.

the beginning

(10

5).

and if they

his commandments

he will love and bless them in all the

future

(713.

They are the children of

their God

his discipline and his care are parental

131).

All good things are from him; but the

signal proofs of his love to Israel are the deliverance
from Egypt

and the law which he

has given them

The love of Yahwb to his

people demands, as it should inspire, their love : Thou
shalt love

thy God with all thine heart, and with

all thy soul, and with all thy' might

is the first

commandment of the law, the first principle of religion

strains to do his will; to love God and to keep his
commandments are inseparable.

His commandments

are not remote or incomprehensible

they are in men's

hearts and on their lips

nor

are they difficult and burdensome

68) :

to keep them is for maii's own good

It is

religion of the heart, not of outward observances or
of formal legality. Observances are not rejected;

religion  without  worship  and  distinctive  ceremonial  is
not  contemplated  but  festivals and  sacrifices  are only
the  expression of  religious feeling-above  all,  of  loving
and joyful gratitude for  God's  love and goodness.

The relation of

to Israel is not

natural and

indissoluble relation, such as subsists between a tribal

god  and  his  people;  it  is  a  moral  rela-
tion,  which has  its  origin  in  his choice of
Israel  to  be his people.  He chose it, not

for any good in it

( 7

but because he loved its

forefathers

and love and faithfulness bind him

to their descendants (78 95). The

by which

Israel alone of all the nations of

earth is made the

people of Yahwi: is

glorious distinction but it

imposes  the  greatest  obligation.  Sin,  in  this  light,  is
more  heinous,  judgment  more  necessary  and  more
severe  but  in  Gods constancy to  his  purpose  and  his
promise  faith  finds  the  assurance  that  the  severest

judgment will not be utter destruction.

The bond between

and Israel is the covenant

which he

with them at Horeb

and renewed

the plains

Moab (29

The deuteronomic

law sets forth the obligations imposed by

and

accepted by Israel

strict observance of the law is

the condition of the fulfilment of the promises of Yahwb,
the obligations which he voluntarily took upon himself
in the pact

Israel is to be a holy people

( 7 6

is,

one set apart to

in a11 its life.

The stringency

of the laws which are to preserve the purity of the

At the time when Dt. was written this sanguinary proscrip-

tion

the native population can hardly have had much practical

significance.

DEUTERONOMY

DEW

people and the land from false religion and immorality
is thus explained and justified :

Thou

shalt exterminate

the evil from the community’

(135

and puss.; see

13-30

16-21

etc.

Notwithstanding the sanguinary thoroughness with

which it demands the extirpation of heathenism, and the
severity of many of the special laws, the distinctive note
of the

is humanity, philanthropy,

charity.

Regard not only for the rights, but also for

the needs of the widow, the orphan, the landless Levite,
the foreign denizen, is urged at every

The in-

terests of debtors

slaves

and hired labourers

( 2 4 4

are carefully

guarded.  Various  provisions protect  the rights  of  the
wife  or  the  female  slave
Nor are the animals  forgotten

The spirit

of the legislation is

least clearly in the laws

which appear to us altogether utopian, such

(cp

conformity with its prophetic character, Dt. pre-

sents itself not merely as

law-book, but also

a book

of religious instruction.

Its lessons are to be diligently

remembered, and not forgotten in times of prosperity

etc.).

Its fundamental precepts are to

repeated daily, to be worn as amulets, to be inscribed

in public places

They are to be’taught

to children, that each succeeding generation may be
brought up in the

will

;

and every seven years the whole

is to be

publicly read in the hearing of the assembled people

Taken all in

all,

Dt. will ever stand as one of the

noblest monuments of the religion of Israel, and

one

the most noteworthy attempts in history to regulate

the whole life of a people by its highest religious
principles.

the older works Drusius

hard

and

(1696)

may

be consulted with

profit. The principal modern commentaries

33.

Literature.

are Vater Pent.

1805

;

Kn.,

Schroeder

1866

(Lange’s

E T with additions by

Gosman,

;

Keil,

ed. 1870, ET

1867 ;

Espin,

Di.,

;

Montet,

L e

Deut.,

;

1893

;

Dr.,

1895 ;

Steuernagel in

Criticism-Vater,

den

Pent.

‘

Abhandlung iiber Moses

die Verfasser des Pentateuchs

;

De Wette,

Beitr.

in d.

A T 1

385

;

George,

Die

;

Vatke,

A T

384

Riehm,

Die

etc. (‘54);

(‘73)

(review of

Colenso,

Pent.

Pt.

App.

Graf.

Die

A T (‘66);

Kosters,

van

’68)

Klo

Lied Mose’s

d. Deut.

des Pent.’

re-

printed in

Der Pent. (‘93)’

Kleinert

Das Deut.

(‘72) ;

Ueber das nnter dem Kanige

Josia anfgefundene

d. A T

Kayser,

Das

Buch der

seine

(‘74)

;

‘Die

pp.

We. CH,

1876,

reprinted separately, under the

same title,

1885,

and with Nachtrage,

Die

des Hex.

des

A T (‘89); GI

(‘78) and ed. called

Prol.

4th ed.

ET,

t o

Hist.

The

(‘77);

WRS,

Additional

t o

the Amended

(‘79);

ed.

Renss,

(‘79);

Die

Gesch.

A T ,

Bd.

3 ) ;

Steinthal

Buch

Mose

1879, pp.

Stucke

Buche

1880,

also separately (Berlin,

Valeton,

Stud.

39-56,

Del. Pentateuch-kritische Studien,’

Ebreo

suo

(

84) ; Cheyne,

Jeremiah,

his

chaps.

Baudissin,

Gesch.

des

A T

A. Westphal,

Les sources

Pent.

Staerk,

sein

seine

(‘94) ;

Der

des

(‘94) ;

;

Havet,

See

18-20

ses

(‘78);

(‘86)

and

Deut.

Vernes,

sur

reprinted in

Horst

Etudes

le Deut.

des

184-zoo

(‘93);

Kuenen

De jongste

der

van den Hex.

Piepenbring,

Reo. de

des

‘La

et le code de

(‘94);

the

H e x . 2 (‘98).

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